A Look at Asian American Studies - Emery McKee - Ryan Caragher - Emma Rohrer - Gabe Velazquez

Our Zine hopes to cover the multitude of topics discussed in our Intro to Asian American Studies class. Each section is based on a reading relevant to a specific subject covered in the class, whether that be the history of Japanese internment camps or the globalization of the Filipino workforce. After a deeper analysis of the history and tradition regarding each reading, our zine also focuses on the social, political, and intellectual significance of Asian American articles and stories. There are many significant facts and key ideas that truly speak for themselves on the issues and events being discussed along with deeper themes resonating from each text. By showcasing these elements through the use of easy to read dialogue, pictures, drawings, cartoons, lists, and even economic data, our zine gives readers a clear and visual understanding of the importance and significance of each text. With these elements in mind, a deeper understanding of the Asian American experience can be found. As we looked at our articles each week, we found a contemporary issue that resonated with the content of the article that we read. In many cases, we found that issues that Asian Americans once faced are now confronting other non-White groups today. For instance, Latin-American immigrants and Middle Eastern immigrants are facing the same kind of discrimination and hate crimes that targeted Asian Americans in the past, like the Japanese, Chinese, and Filipinos. We also found that racial prejudice continues to be an issue today in response to current events. The Coronavirus outbreak brought out a lot of racial hate crimes as some blamed the Chinese for introducing the pandemic. Once again Asian appearance gets generalized and all Asians suffer being targeted. Looking at current issues that many minority groups face in the United States today, allows us to gain a better understanding of what Asian Americans have experienced through our history. ALookatAsian AmericanStudies Professor Diaz - Section 02 Emery McKee, Ryan Caragher, Emma Rohrer, Gabe Velazquez

THE CHINESE MUST GO

Ericka Lee

Time Line of Anti - Chinese Legislation Passed in the 19 th Century

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Erika Lee develops a condensed history of Chinese exclusion and prejudice in this selected reading. Not only does she depict the legislation that was used by the U.s. to limit the rights and freedom of Chinese Americans, but she also shows that when these Chinese immigrants attempted to migrate to other countries such as Mexico and Canada, they continued to be discriminated against and shunned from society. Ultimately, the migration of the Chinese into western countries was met negatively across the board. Even today, we can see how the Chinese are discriminated against and used as an excuse for a country’s shortcomings. Even after the Immigration Act of 1945, which ended the Chinese Exclusion Act, people are still discriminating against the Chinese as a result of the Corona Virus.

The Social and Political Significance Following the Anti-Chinese Movement

Social Implications: As first introduced as crafty, dishonest heathens by traders, diplomats, amid missionaries from China, the Anti-Chinese movement was initiated by Americans out of fear for suppression of wages, spreading disease, promoting gambling and corruption, and the encouragement of prostitution and opium. With the 19th century popular culture of theatres and magazines, racist depictions of Chinese immigrants were circulated around the world. Represented as people brought filth, disease, and ruin to white labor, the racial movement quickly spread to many radical laws and acts targeting Chinese immigrants. Political Significance: With an established opposition for Chinese immigration, federal laws such as the 1862 Coolie Act, the 1875 Page Act, and the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act were instated in the U.S. All laws pushed the agenda of preventing Chinese immigration and naturalization. With these laws in place, the Chinese were systematically harassed throughout the 1850s to 1890s. The Chinse experienced being rounded up, driven out of town, lynched, and killed throughout cities, and even the burning of their businesses and homes, all while local police stood idly by. Throughout the violence, politicians only worked harder to stop the “Grasping Tendencies of the Mongolian”.

POSITIVELY NO FILIPINOS ALLOWED

A Brief Summary

In this essay written by Nerissa Balce, it is made evident that the strategies used to belittle and discriminate against Blacks were used against the Filipinos in an effort to justify and develop approval for the Philippine-American War. As a result, Filipinos legally working in the U.S. were violently attacked and even lynched by white Americans who felt threatened by their presence in the country. Balce cites Carlos Bulosan’s work, “America is in the Heart”, in which Carlos recounts a personal instance in which he and other Filipino labor organizers were violently beaten and violated by white racists.

Furthermore, the Filipinos were placed in the same category as the Hawaiians, Cubans, and Puerto Ricans. The U.S. had either attempted to or successfully forced these nations to adopt American values and become a part of the country. It becomes apparent that classism and racism was the “language” of America’s imperialistic agenda. In the Philippine-American War, the Philippine army used this imperialistic language to discourage Black American soldiers from fighting in the war and even managed attract some of these soldiers to abandon the U.S. army and fight with the Filipinos.

In W. E. B. Dubois’s literary work, “Darkwater”, he identifies the Imperialist tactics used to subjugate the colonized people both in Asia and Africa. So long as the Americans could minimalize these native people’s claims to their own territory, they could rally Americans to support the wars and racism caused by Imperialism. This also caused the locals of the country being colonized to seem helpless and in need of American involvement. Fortunately, Dubois’s efforts caused journalists and intellectuals to question the United States’ involvement in other countries when they couldn’t even treat minorities in their country equally to whites.

W.E.B. Dubois

Gabe Velazquez

The Language of the Empire

“Uncle Sam to Filipinos – You’re Next” – Judge , Judge Company New York, 1899 (“Zim” Eugene Zimmerman)

• The following picture shows Uncle Sam giving Puerto Rico, Cuba, Hawaii, and the Philippines a haircut of imperialism • The image significantly represents Balce’s text through its representation of the social, political, and economic elements • Filipino’s are depicted as barbaric savages, while Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and Cuba have already been “groomed” by the US • These countries are depicted as “monkeylike,” similarly to the stereotypes of Blacks as “savage” and “Beastly” • Uncle Sam’s scissors of “Education” and “Civilization” symbolize U.S. imperialism, with the Philippines up next

By Ryan Caragher

Filipinos were seen as “’darkies’ that are born beasts of burden for white folk and members of a ‘darker world’” (Balce 60), in the eyes of white people. White society did not treat Filipinos as humans, rather, as animals that the US should get rid of. According to Balce, “[t] he rules of civilized warfare did not apply when fighting savages” (Balce 49). Lynching occurred, discriminating against Filipinos, as well as brutal attacks and beatings. Filipinos compared their treatment to the racial discrimination of African Americans in the US.

Today, police brutality against blacks provokes the BLM protest movement. The violence towards blacks is similar to the actions towards Filipinos during the early 1900s. Dijon Kizzee was shot 15-20 times in the back for suspected “bike violation . ” Police officers didn’t hesitate to shoot the black man dead because he “ posed ” a threat. Black lives today are considered to be as expendable as Filipino lives around 1900s.

LITTLE MANILLA RISING

According to Nerissa Balce ’ s essay , Filipino Bodies , Lynching , and the Language of Empire , “ Filipino farmworkers were the subjects of racial violence and discrimination [ as early as the 1930s ]”. Balce ’ s text is encompassed within a larger text by Lisa Lowe titled , Positively No Filipinos Allowed ,” which highlights the story of Stockton , California ( my hometown ). The Little Manilla of Stockton used to be the largest community of Filipino people besides the Philippines prior to World War II . Its growth almost doubled after the war as more immigrants returned to their families . The influx of Asian immigration into western civilization brought about a grotesque form of racism . A racism that viewed any immigrant with nonwhite skin as “ beastly , savage , or half - devil half - child ”. Besides these horrific stereotypes that were formed , it was believed that Filipinos were a social , political , and economic threat . As they immigrated to places such as California this “ threat ” was neutralized through violence such as lynching or white imperialism . This is where Little Manila comes into play .

In Dawn Mabalo ’ s book , Little Manilla is in the Heart , themes of race , social hierarchy and identity are portrayed . She writes about how Stockton pushed this sense of white imperialism by tearing down culturally significant buildings such as hotels , houses , and diners in a wily way to push “ Americanness ”. After labor strikes led by Filipino farmers alongside the help of those under the leadership of Cesar Chavez , many cities like Stockton were ideal for Filipino immigrants . Thus , when their newfound home was torn down by Stockton officials , one could only imagine the devastation to the Filipino community . Besides losing a part of their physical culture , many Stockton Filipinos began to lose their identity as well . The widespread US push for imperialism resulted in a divide between first generation migrants and their new “ modernized ” offspring . Mabalo notes this in her book in addition to noting the importance of remembering Little Manilla and its significance to not only Stockton history but global history .

Today one can visit her site , Little Manila Rising in an effort to preserve this history , through educating and advocating for Filipino Americans .

Emery McKee

VISIT LITTLE MANILA.ORG TODAY! "The activists of Little Manila are dedicated to bringing multifaceted equity to Stockton. After generations of neglect of communities in the margins and the notion that diversity is a hindrance to progress, we believe in cherishing all communities and that diversity is our city’s greatest asset".

TRANSPACIFIC ANTIRACISM Afro-Asian Solidarity in Twentieth- Century Black America, Japan, and Okinawa

A D I C T I O N A R Y G U I D E T O T R A N S P A C I F I C A N T I R A C I S M B Y E M E R Y M C K E E

AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY

Af-ro As-ian Sol-i-dar-i-ty noun

The alliance between African American and Japanese peoples of Black America, Japan, and Okinawa during WWI that fought white supremacy through ideals of anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, and antiracist currents within each community of solidarity.

WHITE SUPREMACY

White Su-prem-a-cy noun

The belief that white people are superior to those of all other races, , and should therefore dominate society. Utilized through means of imperialism and colonialism.

IMPERIALISM

Im-pe-ri-al-ism noun

A policy of extending a country's power and influence through diplomacy or military force.

A D I C T I O N A R Y G U I D E T O T R A N S P A C I F I C A N T I R A C I S M

COLONIALISM

Co-lo-ni-al-ism noun

The policy or practice of acquiring full or partial political control over another country, occupying it with settlers, and exploiting it economically.

RACISM

Rac-ism noun

Prejudice, discrimination, or antagonism directed against a person or people on the basis of their membership of a particular racial or ethnic group, typically one that is a minority or marginalized.

RACIAL GROOVE

Rac-ial Groove noun Connections across multiple efforts to expand black radicalism to articulate human liberation.

TRANSPACIFIC RACE CONTACT

Trans-pa-ci-fic Race Con-tact noun

The evidence of race contact across the Pacific that communicated the global dynamics of racial struggles that were animated by anti-imperialist and nationalist currents. The evidence of race co tact across the Pacific that co municated the global dynamics of racial struggles that were animated by anti-imperialist and national list currents.

Why Does this Text Matter?

ANTI - RACIST STRUGGLES HAVE A WIDER SCOPE THAN THE U . S . A . As realized by W.E.B. Dubois's experiencce in Japan, there were also like minded individuals who were against white supremacy who didn't reside in the United States. Evidently, there was no need to keep the issue of race exclusively within the U.S. Support could be garnered from other nations, many who were non-white and had experienced injustices similar to the ones experienced by blacks in the U.S.

ANTICOLONIALISM , ANTI - IMPERIALISM AND THE AFRO - ASIAN CONNECTION Dubois's interaction with Okinawan intellectual-activists also gave rise to the discussion of white Imperialism and Colonialism. Both Dubois and these activists had their own perceptions about these topics, but in the end, they both found themselves to be against these ideologies. This being said, the true reason for these beliefs was the Japanese imperalist state's effort to use pan-anti- imperialist propoganda. Despite this, the Afro-Asian connection was developed, and Dubois advocated for pro-Japan Black nationalist orientation.

A " RACIAL GROOVE "

Now that a movement of pro- Japanese mentality had been formulated by Dubois, he knew that he could use this relationship to inspire change back home. By connecting the Japanese community of activists to the Black communities of the United States, he realized that the "defiant" image that these Okinawan activists presented could be appealing to activists back home and incite stronger efforts for change. Although Orichi finds Dubois's efforts to lack an analysis of both race and nation, the U.S. had never seen this type of expansion of racial boundaries through a "racial groove" between countries.

Gabe Velazquez

ANTI - ASIAN RACISM AND BLM OVERLAP

In the spring of 2020 in the midst of a terrible pandemic , racism against Chinese and a Black uprising against racist police behavior intersect . Chinese , and asians in general for the first time in a while , are experiencing hate crimes against them because of fingerpointing blame for the pandemic

BLM a series of senseless and brutal police killings of Blacks provokes protests across the United States

AT THE SAME TIME Asians across America are experiencing a new burst of prejudice and hate crimes against them simply for being Asian at the time of the " Chinese Virus "

HOW IT RELATES Like Black intellectuals in the 1940s who found solidarity with the Japanese in protesting against White supremacy , Asians and Blacks can unite and can empathize in being targets of racial prejudice and hatred

A S I A N A M E R I C A N S S U P P O R T I N G B L M

D U B O I S Q U I C K L Y R E C O G N I Z E D T H A T A C O U N T R Y T H A T W A S N O T R U N B Y W H I T E M E N W A S G A I N I N G G R O U N D A N D I N F L U E N C E I N T H E W O L R D . H E C O U L D N ' T H E L P B U T A D M I R E T H E P R O T E S T S T H A T S U P P O R T E D P A N A S I A N P O W E R

A S I A N S A S T H E Y S U F F E R M O R E A N D M O R E D I S C R I M I N A T I O N A N D H A T E C R I M E S T H E Y L O O K T O T H E S T R A T E G I E S O F T H E B L A C K L I V E M A T T E R M O V E M E N T . A S I A N A M E R I C A N S E M P A T H I Z E W I T H T H E D I S C R I M I N A T I O N O F B L A C K S A S D I D D U B O I S W I T H T H E J A P A N E S E

Transpacific strivings "The massive awakening of the instinctual human need for justice and for freedom." George Katsiaficas

Du Bo i s - T r an s pa c i f i c r a c e c on t a c t E v i denc e o f r a c e c on t a c t a c r o s s t he pa c i f i c A R E C I P E F OR L I B E RA T I ON

c ommun i c a t ed t he r a c i a l s t r ugg l e s appe a r ed a t t he i n t e r s e c t i on o f J apan ' s eme r genc e on t he wo r l d s t age . C . L . R . J ame s - S e ed s o f Wo r l d Re v o l u t i on Wo r k i ng c l a s s B l a c k s " de s i r e f o r t he s uc c e s s o f J apan i s i n r e a l i t y a de s i r e f o r t he de s t r uc t i on o f t he appa r en t l y unb r e akab l e powe r o f t he i r own opp r e s s o r . " Robe r t F . Wi l l i ams - " Co l o r ed - I n t e r na t i ona l i sm" E s t ab l i s hed a mo v emen t w i t h J apane s e S cho l a r s a s s o c i a t ed w i t h neg r o s t ud i e s , by wa y o f i nv en t i ng t he new d i s c ou r s e o f " Co l o r ed - I n t e r na t i ona l i sm t h r ough t r an s l a t i on . Ced r i c Rob i n s on ' s - " The Cu l t u r e o f L i be r a t i on " Wi t h t he po l i t i c a l a l l i anc e s i n B l a c k Ame r i c a , J apan , and Ok i nawa , t he cu r r en t s o f an t i - impe r i a l i s t , an t i - c o l on i a l , and an t i - r a c i sm we r e t he r aw ma t e r i a l s o f wh i ch A f r o - As i an So l i da r i t y a cqu i r ed me an i ng and powe r i n s o c i a l p r a c t i c e

BY RYAN CARAGHER

T H E H E A R T B E A T O F S T R U G G L E

A z i n e i n s p i r e d b y t h e J a p a n e s e A m e r i c a n s t r u g g l e r e c o r d e d b y Y u r i K o c h i y a m a

SHARING THE STORY OF JAPANESE AMERICANS

After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the lives of Japanese American citizens and immigrants alike were radically changed. They were forced to sell off the assets they had and move to concentration camps where their freedoms and liberties were unjustly taken from them by military law. Although one might think that this would be a prime cause for revolt and resistance, these Japanese Americans had no support from anyone else in the U.S. Every major institution in the country condoned the concentration camps, and as a result, these imprisoned Americans had to make a decision. Would they adapt to the mistreatment in an effort to naturalize themselves in the country, or would they use their agency to resist and oppose the encroachment of their liberties in the U.S? As we follow Yuri Kochiyama’s life as a young adult, it becomes clear that at such a young age, she was a true leader of Japanese Americans. Instead of resenting the circumstances of the concentration camps, she stayed patriotic and attempted to develop her identity as a Japanese American. She admired the leaders of these camps, such as Mary Tsukamoto, who organized light-hearted activities for the prisoners so that they could distract themselves from the sadness of their situation. Yuri also contributed to the Denson Tribune, a paper distributed by the War Relocation Society. Her columns talked about the hardships that the Nisei, or Japanese born Americans, faced during their service in World War II. Later in life, she would collaborate with Malcolm X on the topic of racial equality, but her time in the camps would shape her perspective of the U.S. for the rest of her life.

I N S P I R E D B Y Y U R I K O C H I Y AMA

THE SUFFERING OF SEPARATION

Japanese internment camps locked away Japanese

American citizens during WWII. They were seen as enemies

and threats to national security. Racial identity was used to

discriminate against these legal citizens and take them

from their homes. Often fathers were separated from their

families, in order to fill labor contracts or even train as

soldiers.

Today in an echo of the past, the Trump administration is housing immigrant children from the Mexican border in the exact same army camp, Fort Sill, OK, that was used to hold Japanese Americans during WWII. In this case the children of the families are detained in these facilities. Trump believes that immigrants are thieves and threats to society. U.S Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE) refers to immigrants as “aliens”, directly saying we need to “remove aliens across the country”. This issue is even more cruel today, because children are isolated from any family support. People consider this racial profiling against “brown” immigrants.

https://psmag.com/ideas/the-legacy-of-japanese- internent-lives-on-in-migrant-detention

Overcoming Suffering through Love and Happiness

Through the adversity of being ripped out her home, to a life limited to the inside of a detainment center, Yuri Kochiyama prevails hardship with love, support, kindness, and a limitless positive mindset inspiring thousands of Nisei Americans. "I will strive to live in such a way that what I do, how I think and what i say, will inspire them in a Christian faith rather than destroy it...They must be thoughtful and considerate of the feelings of others, be understanding of others' way of life; kindly to everyone, not just a select few; honest with themselves as well as with others; generous in what they they possess; courageous when no one is about; and in short; do unto others as they would have others do unto them" -Yuri Kochiyama

By Ryan Caragher

REENCOUNTERS: ON THE KOREAN WAR AND DIASPORIC MEMORY CRITIQUE

MILITARIZED MIGRATIONS

CRYSTAL MUN-HYE BAIK

WAR, WOMEN, & THE WEST

American involvement in World War II and the Korean War were the causes for an influx in Korean migration to the U.S. after

1950. At the end of World War II, the creation of the 38th Parallel by the Soviet Union and the United States divided Korea

into the North and South as we know it today. When the North invaded the South in 1950, it pushed Korea’s civil war into an

international conflict. 23,468 U.S. soldiers were spread around South Korea in an effort to save the South Koreans from a

communist threat, and this argument was used to support the war back in the U.S. After three years of conflict, the war came

to a pause as a result of the Korean Armistice agreement which halted hostile aggression between the North and the South.

Now that U.S. soldiers could return home, many returned back with their Korean spouses. Of the 14,00 Koreans who entered

the U.S. between 1951 and 1964, nearly 84% were the spouses of these American soldiers. As explained by Baik,

“camptowns”, or red light districts, sprung around the American military encampments. As a result, plenty of U.S. soldiers

married Korean women who were involved with these camptowns and brought them back home with them. Generally, there

was an acceptance for these spouses and other immigrants alike. However, the methods used to approve of these new

immigrants were tactical. Only those who were willing to disconnect themselves from their roots were deemed an ideal

immigrant.This is because they did not threaten the anticommunist, heteronormative, and white social order of the U.S. So,

the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act was passed in order to take in Koreans and any other immigrant groups who could

help develop and support the U.S. This allowed for the U.S to take in talented individuals from other countries while

upholding the anti-communist and “American” family structures that the country was founded in. Ultimately, this would

cause many Korean immigrants to have their image excluded from the general image of Korean migrants depicted by the

United States of America. If you didn’t fit into this ideal immigrant category, then you didn’t really belong. However, even if

you did, the migration caused by American involvement in Korean conflict was completely ignored.

The Korean War led to a change in US immigration policy, enabling an influx of Korean immigrants to enter the United States. Korean women were having children out of wedlock with American soldiers, and many of these children were abandoned by their GI fathers. There were thousands of mixed race babies that Korea did not want to accept. In their society it was important to protect racial purity because, “South Korea treated multiracial children as obstacles to the realization of a viable ethnocentric nation anchored in the ideological notion of ‘pure’ blood” (Baik 43). Korea was anxious to outplace the mixed race babies so they could be “one nation, one race” (Baik 43). These children were made available for adoption in the U.S., conveniently filling the American demand for adoptable babies while at the same time serving as positive US public relations, framing the decision as kindly and caring. One effect not emphasized was that these children were being separated from their birth mothers and their native culture. Currently, undocumented immigrants seeking asylum in the US are being put in detention centers. Parents are being ripped apart from their children and the children are sent away. The Trump administration maintains that these immigrants are “aliens” who need to be gotten rid of because they are dangerous and seemingly a threat to our “Western purity.” These families are almost exclusively people of color. Parents are being told that “the child’s only chance to get asylum and protect them from the danger they originally fled in their home countries” (Rafei 2020) is to have the parents voluntarily return to their home country, leaving their children behind. Once again, American immigration policy is claiming to do something positive, “protect us from dangerous immigrants,” while tearing children away from their birth parents, without regard for the child’s and parents’ feelings.

Here Comes the Bride... Not Quite Refugees and Not Quite Immigrants The transformation of Korean women and children into proper Americans created a gray zone of ambiguity. Perceived as refugees, immigrants, and quasi-Americans, Koreans desired immediate safety from war along with hopes for professional employment, love, marriage, and the desire to leave South Korea all together. According to Yuh, the vast majority of Korean women married to American soldiers, came from “camptowns” or the “grijichon,” as laborers who lacked access to education, came from financially precarious backgrounds, and were displaced by multiple colonial powers, including Japanese and American occupations. These women perceived marriage to US Soldiers as an accessible pathway out of the violence and harsh livelihood in Korea.

ALOHA , VI ETNAM : RACE AND EMPIRE IN HAWAI ‘ I ’ S

VI ETNAM WAR

AMERICAN QUARTERLY

S IMEON MAN

Protest, violence, and civil unrest are common ideas that are related to the U.S. during the Vietnam War. However, it is not often that people connect Hawaii to this moment in history. Upon analysis by Simeon Man, it is evident that the military's use of Hawaii can be directly connected to the violence that the United States caused in Vietnam. When the war began, the U.S. military began to build mock Vietnamese villages to imitate what soldiers would experience in the foreign country. The most notable example of these training grounds was the Schofield Barracks in Hawaii. While this tactic seemed reasonable, it is apparent that the true intentions of these villages were to cement the idea that foreign places and people were not to be trusted, and that anyone could be their enemy. Not only this, but Hawaii was similar to Vietnam before it was conquered by the U.S. Just as American soldiers were going into Vietnam, a technologically deficient land, the Hawaiians were in the same position of being technologically deficient when the U.S. acquired the Hawaiian’s territory. This racialized training of the military culminated when the My Lai massacre occurred on March 16, 1968. Back in the U.S, the brutal killing of so many Vietnamese was decried by politicians and activist groups alike. In the end, however, this tactic of annihilating Vietnamese villages without consciousness to the people who lived there can be attributed to the Schofield Barracks in Hawaii. Ultimately, as the war progressed, Hawaii’s role in the war began to cement itself in history, whether or not it was for the right or wrong reasons. THE CLASH

When Hawaii became a state in 1959, the US military saw it as a win and was a boost to the Hawaiin economy. But it wasn’t such a win for the indigenous Hawaiians. Much of their lands were appropriated and taken from them and used to training camps for US soldiers. Land was taken by the private Bishop State and used for private development. The native were pushed aside and forgotten about and lost their traditional farms. Eventually, native Hawaiian’s started protesting. The slogan of the anti eviction struggle was, “‘land for local people, not tourists’ quickly became a rallying cry that resonated far beyond Kalama Valley, as activists called attention to the violent displacements wrought by tourism and militarism throughout the islands.” Today, Native Americans in the US are mounting similar protests against the taking of their native lands. This issue was sparked by Trump's 4th of July event that was held at Mount Rushmore. This event provokes many protesters saying, “Mount Rushmore is a symbol of white supremacy and racial injustice in this country and that the four faces carved on that mountain are the four faces of colonizers who have committed genocide on Indigenous people…” The issues of the US appropriating native land and prioritizing military and economic gain over native people’s rights are parallel. This shows that western beliefs are continuing to be ethnocentric by disregarding the rights of indegnous people and their lands.

LAND FOR THE PEOPLE

PEACE NOT (THE VIETNAM) WAR

Body Counts: The VietnamWar and Militarized RefugeesMilitarized Refuge(es)

Kira Espiritu

WAGING WAR

THEVIETNAMWAR ISONEOF THEMOSTCONTROVERSIALMILITARY ENDEAVOURS INAMERICANHISTORY, AND

THROUGHTHEWORKOF ESPIRITU, IT IS EVIDENTWHY THIS IS SO. HOWEVER, IT IS IMPORTANT TOREALIZE THAT THE

CONTROVERSY SHOULDN ’ T SOLELY PRESIDE INWHATHAPPENED INVIETNAM, BUTALSO INGUAMANDTHE

PHILIPPINESASWELL. IF ITWEREN ’ T FOR THESE TWOOTHERCOUNTRIES, THEU.S. WOULDNOTHAVEHADTHE

CAPACITY TOMOBILIZE FORCES INTHEMANNER THAT THEYDID. GUAMWASUSEDTOSTOREANDTRANSPORTA

SEEMINGLY ENDLESSAMOUNTOF EXPLOSIVESANDOTHERMILITARYORDNANCE TOTHEAMERICANAIRBASESONTHE

TERRITORY. INTHE PHILIPPINES, ALARGEAMOUNTOFVIETNAMESE REFUGEESWEREHELD. WHENTHE PRESIDENTOF

THECOUNTRYDENIEDTHEALLOWANCE FORANYMORE REFUGEESOFWAR, THEU.S. WAS FORCEDTOUSEGUAMAS

ANOTHER “ TEMPORARY ” STAGINGGROUNDFOR THESE PEOPLE. SOAT THIS POINT, GUAMWAS BEINGUSEDTOHOLD

THEVIETNAMESE REFUGEES THAT THEU.S. MILITARYWASCREATINGTHROUGHTHEUSEOF THEBOMBSAND

ARMAMENTS THATWEREBEINGSTOREDANDSHIPPEDTOVIETNAMFROMGUAM.

Back in the United States, president Gerald R. Ford touted that these “ humanitarian efforts ” to save the refugees were great reasons to stay involved in the war. On April 4th, 1975, Operation Babylift was started, and thousands of “ orphans ” were evacuated from South Vietnam. It was realized when they arrived at Camp Pendleton, many of them had been wrongfully taken from the country and that a lack of documentation made it impossible for many to be reconnected to their family back home. Thus, many children had to be adopted in the U.S. and assimilate as an ideal refugee that the country could use to bolster their claims of being a benevolent country. Whether or not the U.S. had good intentions, it is important to realize that they were the cause for so many refugees during the VietnamWar.

REFUSING REFUGEESS

In the article, Espiritu describes how the American military quickly evacuated 130,000 South Vietnamese refugees as the war suddenly ended in 1975 with the American withdrawal. It used its military bases to process huge numbers of Vietnamese and eventually brought many of them to Camp Pendleton in California. There, the same Marines who had recently been bombing Vietnam, rushed to build tent cities to aid the refugees. “For a nation still reeling from the shock of defeat and the agony of a deeply divisive war…” (34), the images of these helpful Marines was a public relations win. It was framed as “a step towards reclaiming faith in America’s goodness and moving beyond the extremely unpopular war” (34). The American military also made a positive PR move by publicizing Operation BabyLift , a somewhat disorganized effort that brought thousands of “orphans” to the US to be “rescued.” Pictures of the president and his wife interacting with these Asian children helped to present this airlift as “one of the most humanitarian efforts in history” (40). Espiritu makes the point that these humanitarian efforts are layered on top of a militaristic cause for these refugees’ need to flee, but he does highlight the US’s choice to frame these efforts as a positive response to a desperate need. In contrast today, the Trump administration isn’t even trying to pretend that America has a humanitarian empathy when dealing with refugee crises. This fall he is cutting refugee admissions to the US lower than it has ever been. While Obama in 2016 allowed 110,000 slots for refugees, Trump has cut that number to 15,000. “The big cut in 2020 virtually sealed off a pathway for the persecuted into the country and obliterated the once robust American reputation as a sanctuary for the oppressed.” Rather than seeing the admission of refugees into our country as a positive sign of our benevolence, Trump frames this as a campaign issue. He thinks his supporters will be encouraged by his hardline against even the most desperate refugees. This is a such a different approach than what the American leaders showed at the end of the Vietnam War. They hoped to display to the world America’s generosity and kindness by highlighting their response to the refugee crisis. Our current administration doesn’t seem to care about our reputation in the world, but rather it seems to focus on Trump’s re-election chances.

Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture -Robert Lee

MARRIAGE AND MINORITIES The essence of the American acceptance of Asian immigrants is captured in the film, Sayonara. Although the marriage between a white male and an Asian woman was in question in the United States, the War Brides Act of 1945 permitted military personnel to bring back their spouses and dependent children back to the United States. However, not all Americans were in agreement with this. In Sayonara, Gruver, a U.S. Air Force major, is opposed to the inter-racial mixing that is occurring between American soldiers and Asian women abroad. However, he quickly falls in love with a Japanese dancer, Hana Ogi, and begins to go against his prior beliefs. What he begins to realize is that back home, he has been trained to follow a strict form of masculinity and anti-racial mentalities. However, his relationship with Hana Ogi makes it apparent that none of those constructs are the only correct ways of thinking. Gruver then intends to make her his wife, and plans to bring their children back home to the United States. Evidently, the overbearing American mentality that was planted on Gruver was eliminated once he had a human and emotional connection with a woman abroad. It shows that despite what is being told to Americans back home, a genuine connection between two people will prevail. In addition to this, the U.S. was readily willing to accept these brides because they played into the “model minority” stereotype. This transitions us into the discussion of Asians and Blacks. Despite the importance of African Americans in U.S. history, they were still not deemed “model minorities” simply because they went against the grain and had political influence in the U.S. Asian immigrants, on the other hand, had close to no say politically and would often play into the nuclear family structure of the U.S. Therefore, they were ideal not because they were free, but because they had to play into the “model minority” role. As can be seen, the United States is a place where people of varying backgrounds can assimilate, but only on the terms that are set for them.

Yellow Peril Supports black lives matter

R. Lee explains how Asian Americans became the model minority in the second half of the 21st century because “Asian Americans were ‘not black’” Earlier they had been considered a “Yellow Peril” and Chinese laborers had been hated and discriminated against, but after the second World War, as Asians immigrated to America, they were greeted with tolerance as America tried to show that it was not racially prejudiced. It was important that America be seen as a tolerant society during the ColdWar, and they did this by accepting a non-white minority: the Asians. They idealized this minority because “they were both politically silent and ethnically assimilable.” While Blacks became restless trying to gain civil rights, the Asian immigrants did not take political risks because they wanted to protect their fragile immigration status. They learned what happened to the Japanese in the internment camps, and they were not going to risk causing any disturbance. Cady Lang, author of a TIME magazine article, examines Asian Americans’ view of the Black Lives Matter movement. Asians Americans have a long history of alliance with the Black community since they both experienced so much racial prejudice and societal backlash during the 19th and early 20th centuries. During the 60’s Asian American students were strong and active supporters for the Black social justice movements. They remembered how Japanese Americans were treated during WWII, and they were sympathetic to activists trying to gain equality for another oppressed racial group. However, during that same time,the myth of Asians as a model minority was gaining acceptance in the U.S. As a response to Black protest movements in the 60’s the example of the peaceful Asian American communities was used to discredit Black activists. The Asians had found success in hard labor, why couldn't Blacks? “To say that this minority is the ‘good minority’ means you’re essentially saying there’s a bad minority, which keeps people divided,” said writer and activist Helen Zia. It seems like both articles stressed that minorities are judged according to how able they are to assimilate to the majority. Asian Americans became more accepted in this country because they were able to adapt to norms and social behaviors of the majority race in America. This reinforces the idea that assimilation into white society should be the primary goal of other ethnic groups, a concept that is no longer accepted by major sociologists.

ON EARTH WERE BRIEFLY GORGEOUS Ocean Vuong

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OF

THEMES!

T H E M E S :

Trauma from the w ar

In Vuong’ s work , we are reminded that the ef fects of the war did not end at escape f rom the war . Thi s i s shown through Rose ’ s character . For example, when L i t t le Dog catches Rose by surpr i se, she has a moment of ter ror and fear . She then explains to him that the war never leaves you once i t enters you. Instead, i t leaves a last ing “echo” ins ide of al l who had to exper ience i t and through the rest of the f i rst par t of the story , we see how the last ing t rauma causes her to act violent ly towards her son. Just l i ke the monarch but ter f l ies , Rose only had to migrate to the U.S. to survive, and i f she hadn ’ t i t i s l i kely that she wouldn ’ t be al ive today .

Gender & Se x ualit y

Simi lar to how L i t t le Dog’ s mother was never able to t ruly escape the war , L i t t le Dog i s faced wi th hi s own personal war caused by the rampant ant i-queer sent iment in the Uni ted States . He sees i t through mi st reatment caused to him and hi s mother by the neighbors , through the verbal abuse of a local t ransgender neighbor , and through hi s tox ic relat ionship wi th Trevor , a boy around hi s age who i s ashamed of hi s sexual i ty and lets out hi s f rust rat ions on L i t t le Dog. Even though L i t t le Dog’ s mother , Rose, had “escaped” the Vietnam War , her son st i l l has to face conf l ict here in the U.S.

Racism

L i t t le Dog’ s exper ience in the Uni ted States i s f i l led wi th raci sm, and he exper iences thi s through bul lying by students in hi s class . Just because he i s Vietnamese, hi s classmates establ i sh dominance over him because of hi s sk in color and cul tural background. However , raci sm i s not only presented in the states , but al so back in Vietnam. Hi s mother , Rose, was born of a Vietnamese mother and an Amer ican father . So in her town, she was di scr iminated against by her fel low Vietnamese ci t i zens because of her l ighter sk in color and fami ly l ineage. They throw feces on her and beat her wi th spoons in an ef for t to shun her f rom ident i fying wi th her own people, and i t becomes real i zed that no mat ter who you are and who you are around, unimpor tant di f ferences such as sk in color of ten lead to di scr iminat ion by others .

MEMORIES AND MONKEYS

Little Dog's memory through stories

Memory is a very important aspect in Little Dog’s life and his

Vietnamese identity. Through his grandmother's stories, Little

Dog is able to grasp an understanding of her life back in

Vietnam. In his letter to his mom, Little Dog uses the story of

the Macaque monkeys, which are the most hunted monkeys in

Vietnam. Men in the vietnamese culture consider the brains of

the macaques a delicacy. Little Dog explains how consuming

the brains are a way to remember the past, using their

memories to stay alive. Vietnamese men would eat the brains

until the animal stops moving, metaphorically stating the

monkey stays alive until its last memory is gone. Through the

power of memory, Little Dog is able to maintain the connection

between him and his family and their Vietnamese identity.

PTSD OF THE PAST AND PRESENT

In the novel, “On Earth We’re Briefly Gorgeous,” the narrator, Little Dog, is writing to his mother Rose, reminiscing about his experiences growing up in a household haunted by his family’s trauma during the Vietnam War. He lives with his mother and grandmother who both show signs of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). After pulling a harmless prank on his mother by jumping out and saying “BOOM, “ his mother freaks out. Little Dog writes, “You screamed, face raked and twisted, then burst into sobs, clutched your chest as you leaned against the door, gasping… I didn’t know that the war was still inside you, that there was a war to begin with, that once it enters you it never leaves—but merely echoes… ” (4). Trauma from war is a common theme throughout the novel, showing that PTSD can pass through generations. He also recounts how his mother would beat him, hitting him from the age of four and even threatening him with a knife. Her episodes of violence are another after-effect of the trauma from war, possibly another manifestation of her PTSD. His grandmother is nearly “bent in half” from pain and stress. His grandmother too suffers from schizophrenia, a result from the war. This book encapsulates how trauma from the Vietnam War that can affect many generations long after the war is over. Today, nearly 50 years after the Vietnam War, some veterans of that war still show signs of PTSD. Matthew Tull examines long term studies, finding, “It's clear that PTSD continues to affect the lives of many Vietnam war veterans today.” He found that these veterans are more prone to substance abuse, mental disorders, and even heart disease. The disorder also has been shown to affect both sons and daughters of Vietnam veterans in a number of ways. This article is consistent with the behaviors displayed by Rose and Little Dog’s grandma Lan. Rose, who as a five year old witnessed her school being napalmed, is understandably traumatized. Grandma Lan, forced into prostitution to survive the war, also showed traumatic after-effects.These fictional characters are not veterans, but Vietnamese survivors of the war in their homeland. It can be argued that the Vietnam War was not over in 1975, because it continues to affect the lives of those who lived through the violent experience both in fiction and in reality. Some people who have lived through the horrors of this particular war can’t put the past behind them. Their health, both physical and mental, are damaged by their exposure to this level of violence.

Citizen and Terrorist Leti volpp

THEN AND NOW

V olpp talks about how Arabs, Muslims, and people with Middle Eastern appearances are racially profiled and targets of violence following the event of 9/11. They are not looked at as American citizens, but rather assumed to be terrorists, based on their racial appearance. Much like the Japanese that were put into internment camps during WWII, they are assumed to be potential enemies. Volpp describes the response of many Americans after 9/11, “... over one thousand incidents of violence- homes, businesses, mosques, temples, and gurdwaras firebombed; individuals attacked with guns, knives, fists, and words; women with headscarves beaten, pushed off buses, spat upon; children in school harassed by parents of other children, by classmates, and by teachers.” In January 2020, President Trump retweeted a photoshopped image of Nancy Pelosi in an Iranian headdress and Chuck Schumer in a turban. His press secretary said that it was because Democrats are “almost taking the side of terrorists and those who are out to kill the Americans.” This is just one example of how Donald Trump has stirred up the anti-Muslim sentiment. Even back in 2016 on the campaign trail, Trump claimed “‘Islam hates us,’” portraying Islam and by extension Muslims, as an angry, monolithic ‘other’ dead set on destroying the American way of life. With those three words, Trump set the tone for the years to come, fueling an ‘us versus them’ narrative that has widened deep fissures within our society.” The original article was written close not long after the events of 9/11 and it is sad to see that Islamic hate crimes and violent acts continue to be prevalent almost 20 years later. The anti-Islamic sentiments keep getting agitated by the action taken by the Trump administration including the “Muslim ban” on travel. “The president’s use of Islamophobia as a weapon has undermined our country’s values, tarnished our image abroad, and weakened our ability to lead by example.” Long after 9/11, it has remained popular to target Middle Easterners who are identified by their racial appearance. Our current president seems determined to make the situation worse rather than standing up for the equality of all American citizens no matter what their ethnic background may be.

Liberty and Equality While those who are Middle Eastern, Arab, or Muslim, are entitled to formal rights as citizens of the United States, they may find themselves placed outside the kinship/solidarity membership that structures the U.S. Through identity, and its viewed ties to citizenship in the US, people who do not “represent the nation,” experience extreme difficulties in their ability to enjoy citizenship, which ultimately reduces their ability to exercise their citizenship in a political and legal matter. Stemming back to the idea of citizenship as a form of inclusion, underlies the idea that the perspective of the citizen includes the imagination of fellow citizens who are to be included in a network of kinship. These networks are formed when affective ties of identification and solidarity are formed between fellow citizens. This creates a fundamental problem for those in the minority, and who are being targeted for the actions of others, solely based on race. It prevents equality for all citizens and leads to an outcome of exclusion between people, contradicting the constitutional rights of all citizens.

MIGRANTS FOR EXPORT: HOWTHE PHILIPPINE STATE BROKERS LABOR TO THEWORLD

MIGRANTS FOR EXPORT: HOWTHE PHILIPPINE STATE BROKERS LABOR TO THEWORLD

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P A T R I O T I C

J O U R N

In Rodriguez’s text, the Philippines is painted as a hub for global enterprise, a supplier of global labor, and neoliberalism. What does all of this mean? To start, a global enterprise is an entity that functions throughout the world. In the case of the Philippines, what we see is the leaders of the country have begun to advertise and sell their country as a land full of hard-working laborers to other nations, such as the United States. This then goes into the country being a supplier of global labor. As president Arroyo set the precedent for, the Philippines could sell strong labor to any part of the world. This would allow the country itself to be of service to other countries, while limiting the spending on labor that would occur in the Philippines if citizens were to only be employed back home. Furthermore, this moves us into the neoliberal strategy that has been implemented in the country by the nation’s leadership. Neoliberalism is the concept that policies should incentivise free market trade, shift the country away from welfare plans, and deregulate capital markets. By outsourcing your own citizens to other countries for work, these neoliberal goals can be accomplished, and today, the Philippines continues to engage in this methodology. As a result of these complex processes, Filipinos have had their perception of nationalism altered. It is now patriotic to leave your country to provide for your family and ultimately, this mentality still prevails to this day.

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